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Nationalism, by Elie Kedourie
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This edition of Elie Kedourie's Nationalism brings back into print one of the classic texts of our times. With great elegance and lucidity, the author traces the philosophical foundations of the nationalist doctrine, the conditions which gave rise to it, and the political consequences of its spread in Europe and elsewhere over the past two centuries. As Isaiah Berlin wrote of the original edition, "Kedourie's account of these ideas and their effect is exemplary: clear, learned and just."
In a new introduction the author reflects upon the origins of the book and the relationship of his argument to contemporary nationalist conflicts.
- Sales Rank: #396400 in Books
- Published on: 1993-09-28
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.02" h x .53" w x 6.07" l, .62 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 176 pages
Review
"An indispensable text for a university student or anyone else who wishes to understand nationalism." Norman Wintrop, AJPH
From the Back Cover
This edition of Elie Kedourie's Nationalism brings back into print one of the classic texts of our times. With great elegance and lucidity, the author traces the philosophical foundations of the nationalist doctrine, the conditions which gave rise to it, and the political consequences of its spread in Europe and elsewhere over the past two centuries. As Isaiah Berlin wrote of the original edition, "Kedourie's account of these ideas and their effect is exemplary: clear, learned and just."
In a new introduction the author reflects upon the origins of the book and the relationship of his argument to contemporary nationalist conflicts.
About the Author
Elie Kedourie, at the time of his death in 1992, was Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of London and Fellow of the British Academy. Author of numerous books, he was a leading authority on nationalism, and on the Arab and Jewish worlds.
Most helpful customer reviews
23 of 29 people found the following review helpful.
flawed ideological history of nationalism
By A Customer
Elie Kedourie obviously has an axe to grind about nationalism - as a Jew he was exiled from Iraq and settled in London. In this book he traces the ideological development of nationalism from Kant, Herder and Fichte, claiming that nationalism was invented when Fichte gave his Addresses to the German Nation in the early nineteenth century. Kedourie unfortunately places far too much emphasis on Kant - who was much more concerned with the individual than the community - and not enough on Hegel. Kedourie also neglects such important writers as Rousseau and Mill and does not attempt to trace just how Fichte et al. influenced specific nationalists. Nevertheless this is a well-written polemic against nationalism from someone who dealt with it first hand.
4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
This is a good companion to The Chatham House Version & and Other Middle Eastern Studies.
By A. Lynch
If you are going to study political science, and/or politics of the Middle East region, read this book first before reading Kedourie's other work The Chatham House Version (I went in reverse, reading the latter first. Nationalism will give you the background to understand his points in the latter.) I will say that it is not for the novice looking for a quick primer to make a few talking points, as it deals with some more abstract concepts to political science topics; he does cover Kant, and other philosophies that have led to self-determination-nationalism (and, how such does lead to autocratic regimes under fascist/socialist/communist ideals . If you are acquainted or knowledgeable in such subjects, it is old hat to understand.) A good read (I got it yesterday, and I am half way through it.)
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
National Dreams
By L. King
A useful exploration into the romantic European notions of what constitutes a national identity. Kedourie pegs modern Nationalism emerging as an all inclusive idea requiring the consent of the governed as an outgrowth of the French Revolution but, in an interesting fashion, credits Napoleon's rhetoric which accompanied his conquests for its spread. (pp94-96) However, given his mid 20th century perspective, following two world wars, he's rather disdainful of the outcome. In Kedourie's view, the problem with using unitary definitions such as language, culture or religion as the basis for the state is that inevitably there will be conflicts with geography - the physical boundaries of a country almost always include more than one group. A state that insists on a single identity will inevitably be exclusionary. He's also critical of a style of totalitarian nationalism that erases the boundaries between public and private.
Nationalism, argues Kedourie, is neither a creature of the left or the right, arising from both. In the 19th century nationalism was considered to be highly progressive, and indeed, Woodrow Wilson 14 Points underlining the Paris 1919 Peace Conference emphasized the acquisition of a national status for subject peoples to be amongst its highest ideals. However as they achieved power, men such as Pilsudski, Mussolini and Chiang Kai-shek who were perceived as initially being on the left, were now viewed as being on the right. This became instrumentalized as a propaganda device in the Soviet toolbox - if nationalism was against capitalism and imperialism it was progressive; when it was deemed to go against the tenets of the Politburo, it became right wing and regressive.
A strong argument cited for nationalism is that national power structures are an essential advantage in helping a culture to survive. On the other hand he cites positively the longevity of empires such as the Ottoman who's system of millets allowed a plurality of cultures to co-exist, until broken apart by national ideals. He counters the case of the Poles and the Magyars, that their historic claims to national states with historic boundaries by pointing out that while true, these were not truly nationalist in the modern sense because they were feudal societies ruled by the gentrified few. (pp119) But then so was the Ottoman Empire and Kedourie fails to consider that large portions of the Empire were nomadic, up to 50%, and that the Porte would order the movement of peoples in order to manipulate the mix of ethnicities and maintain order in favour of the State.
National identity is probably weakest at the borderlands - he cites examples such as Macedonia/Albania where pollsters would switch identities as needed by the week. Kedourie finds plebiscites (the recent referendum on Scottish Independence would be a good example) as problematic as affirmative results are usually thought of a permanent (after all, they are disruptive in a major way) and he would rather that they be more frequent, so as to constantly reflect the changing will the people, like elections. He makes an interesting comment towards the end that the American/British perception of nationalism rests on an article of faith that governance by the people will inevitably lead to good government which is what makes it desirable, whereas the concept elsewhere is that self governance is itself a good, even if it inevitably leads to tyranny - perhaps a fine distinction but an idea worth exploring. Lastly, and no doubt this comes from his own experience as a refugee from Iraq and such events as the massacre of the Assyrians in 1933 which he mentioned passed without consequence for the perpetrators, he's somewhat dismayed that Empires, just like Nations are equally likely to cast aside principles for political expediency.
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